Tommaso Grossi, Social Europe and Welfare Program At the European Policy Center. Francesco De Angelis is a junior policy analyst at the Center’s European Political Economy Program.
Historian Donald Sassoon called the lack of political maturity lamented by many Italian experts and intellectuals an “Italy anomaly.”
Many of the problems facing the country are often identified as part of this Italian exceptionalism, which seems to prevent the country from functioning like other Western democracy-and it It also explains the historical longing for a strong leader.
Italy’s institutional weaknesses were exacerbated by the electoral system, which hindered a solid parliamentary majority, and made another difference from its neighbors. A technically renowned prime minister was summoned by fighting for party leader in a turbulent era.
But this look at technocrats undermines the civil solidarity pact that connects rulers with democratic rulers, at the risk of agitating populist resentment. And it’s finally time for Italian politics to move forward.
Former central banker Carlo Azegurio Champi became prime minister in 1993 when Italy was shaken by the currency crisis, corruption and terrorist attacks on the mafia. Lamberto Dini took over Silvio Berlusconi’s first government in 1995. Mario Monti was summoned in 2011 to introduce austerity policies to “heal” Italy’s finances. And last year, President Sergio Mattarella relied on Mario Draghi to nominate one of the most credible outside of partisan politics to steer Italy through the storm.
Mattarella’s strategy makes sense. Draghi’s appointment was a clear message to political parties and factions that the stakes were too high for the normal business of partisan politics. Italy needed to speed up the deployment of the COVID-19 vaccine and initiate some important reforms to modernize the country. Access the European Union Recovery Fund. The risk was too high for Europe as Italy’s success or failure in implementing recovery reforms could determine the future of financial solidarity across the block.
However, despite some achievements, many reforms introduced by Draghi’s coalition government were eventually discontinued in response to political factions, and many, though the façade of national unity remained until this month. The disagreement continued.
Draghi, in a speech to the Italian Senate last week, accused some members of the cross-party coalition of trying to overthrow him following the crisis caused by the five-star movement, with all factions working together. He demanded that he promise to do it again. But it’s only a matter of time before the far-right and right-wing parties see their overall position in polls approaching 50% and they, or the unclear five-star movement, finally unplug. was. It was too good to miss this opportunity.
When Draghi was appointed, historian Adam Tooze wrote that democracy might not live without technocrats, but they wouldn’t save us-and certainly they would save Italy. There is no such thing.
Draghi leaves behind many unfinished businesses that the coalition government couldn’t or didn’t want to achieve. Taxation, competition law, reform of the judicial system, introduction of minimum wages, and protection of low-income households are all issues that the next (probably the rightmost) government must address.
Of course, Draghi’s height did allow Italy to gain political influence and credibility both in Brussels and on the international stage, but more in the country to tackle major social challenges. You should have done it. And, of course, the elections were supposed to take place next year, but for now, the far right is ready to harness its capital.
There is a lesson to be learned here in the long run, but that is that Italy needs to be less unusual. We need to develop a new, smarter political culture that seeks to stabilize politics. Don’t make excuses for missing out on opportunities or failing to fulfill your promises.
* The statements and views expressed are those of the author and do not reflect those of the European Policy Center...
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